Event
by Anne Fairbairn AM
Short Biography
Anne Fairbairn AM is a widely published poet, and journalist. She is also an artist.
Geoffrey, her husband, was a Professor in the Department of History at theAustralian National University, in the field of Revolts and Insurgencies. When she visited many world trouble-spots with her husband before his untimelydeath she found poetry to be the true universal language, transcending racial, political and religious differences, so she decided to endeavor to build bridges of understanding between people of different cultural backgrounds and has been doing so now for twenty five years.
In Arab countries Fairbairn has lectured about Australian literature in more than thirty universities. She has also given lectures in universities in India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Taiwan and Singapore. At the University of Rajasthan in India in 1985, Fairbairn assisted Professor Janikiram compose a volume of Australian poetry and short stories. In Syria in 1986, she assisted Dr Hussam Al-Khatibe compose a special publication of al-Adab al-Ajnabbiya, a Foreign Literary Journal, devoted to Australian literature. During Fairbairn's participation in many Poetry Festivals in the Arab world, especially at Al-Mirbed Festival in Iraq, and the Jerrash Festival in Jordan, she wasable to collect poems for her anthology of Arabic poetry, 'Feathers and the Horizon' (Leros Press Canberra 1987). The late Emeritus Professor A.D.Hope AO.OBE Australia's leading poet at the time, wrote in his preface to this volume: This is not only a literary event. It has political and social importance which we cannot yet foresee and will certainly help break down those barriers which so sadly divide us today
Fairbairn’s 'Shadows of our Dreaming' (Angus and Robertson 1982), is a celebration in poetry of early Australia and the Aboriginal people. Professor A.D.Hope wrote in his preface to this book, Shadows of our Dreaming is not only a work of art rooted in the land and in the attitude of two races to their country, it is also a spiritual history of the deeply perceptive kind that only a poet can present.
'Bahrain Memories,' (Pontifex Press,1991), was compiled, illustrated and published by Fairbairn. Her poem 'Dilmun Dreaming', introduces the text. This volume contains the memories of Bahraini woman, Aisha Yateem. Fairbairn presented her poem (in English and Arabic), to the late Emir of Bahrain, His Highness Sheikh Isa bin Salman Al-Kalifa, in Bahrain in 1993.
Fairbairn’s long poem, 'Australian Conference of the Birds' (Black Pepper Press,1995) is a three thousand word poem dedicated to the memory of 12t century Sufi poet, Fuad ud.Din Attar, whose long poem, 'The Conference of the Birds' was a masterpiece. Fairbairn’s poem has been translated into Farsi in Iran and was described in Sydney University Literary Journal, Southerly, as a Masterpiece. In 1993 Fairbairn presented her poem (in English and Arabic), 'A Spring of Dreams at Wadi Jir’, dedicated to His Majesty King Hussein, at the palace in Amman.
In 1998 Fairbairn presented three hundred books containing the work of Australian Poets and writers to Professor Mohsen Zahran at the new Alexandria Library in Egypt.She also presented her long Poem, 'Two Gardens in Cairo' (in Arabic and English) to Egyptian Nobel Laureate, Naguib Mahfouz, on Farah Boat on the Nile.
For her many publications and work involving building understanding between cultures in 1998, Fairbairn in the Queen’s Birthday Honors was made a Member of the Order of Australia (AM). For service to literature as a poet and for international relations, particularly in the Middle East, through Cultural Exchange.
In 2002 the then Minister for Multicultural Affair, The Hon Philip Ruddock MP released Fairbairn’s anthology of Australian poetry ‘Sunlines’ in the forecourt of Parliament House in Canberra. This volume contains poems by Australian poets of the Literary and Learned School, the Bush Balladists, Aborigines and also the work of many poets of non-Anglo-Saxon background. This book has been given as a gift, from Australian Embassies worl-wide, as a symbol of Australia's harmony in diversity.
In 2003 Fairbairn presented her long poem 'A Spring of Dream' to Dr Hannan Asrawi, Palestinian academic who was awarded the Sydney Peace Prize, at Parliament House in Sydney.
In September 2005 Fairbairn received the award, 'Living for Others - Promoting Peace through Media, Arts and Culture' from the International and Inter-Religious Federation for World Peace. This award was presented in Sydney by Her Excellency, Professor Marie Bashir AO, Governor of New South Wales.
At this uneasy time in the world's history I believe it is important for us all to endeavor to understand some of the reasons that have caused anger to increase among certain groups (not only Muslims) during the past century. It would take many books to detail all the reasons for anger. This is not an academic paper; I am attempting to give a personal glimpse into some of the reasons that may have caused anger to increase during the last hundred years and especially at the present time.
While outwardly supportive of our troops role in World War 1, former Australian Premier of New South Wales, Prime Minister of Australia and then first High Commissioner to London (for two terms) during World War 1, Sir George Houstoun Reid, my grandfather, held private reservations about the ANZAC deployment to the Dardanelles in 1915. He received a letter at the time from his friend, the First Sea Lord in the British War cabinet, Lord 'Jackie' Fisher, who resigned from his position in disgust at the First Lord of the Admiralty, Winston Churchill's (as Fisher saw it) misguided push for the ill-fated Dardanelles campaign. Reid traveled to Egypt in early 1915 where he inspected the Australian troops and was highly impressed with their standard of training before they embarked for the Dardenelles. However my father told me that his father, George Reid, was extremely concerned about the concept of the Dardanelles because he believed it was a misguided attempt to fight the Germans through the back door and was not sufficiently thought through. Part of the basis of Reid and Fisher's friendship was Reid's agreement with Fisher that the war could have been shortened considerably if Fisher's plan - to invade German soil from the Baltic and thus divide the enemy forces - had been put into action instead of the Dardanelles venture. It is possibly not historically recorded but my father always said that his father had many worries about this and he certainly discussed his concerns confidentially with close friends including Lord Fisher. Fisher wrote to Reid when the tragedy of the Dardanelles was unfolding - (I found this letter in my parents' attic in their Sydney home when my mother died in 1987 and I had it verified by the present Lord Fisher; it is now in the National Library in Canberra). Fisher stated in his letter: ‘…The inexcusable criminal disaster of the Dardanelles and no punishment for the butcher politicians - Yours till hell freezes’ - (signed) Jackie Fisher. Fisher also wrote at the end of this letter ‘Please burn and destroy’. One would only write this kind of confidential letter to a close friend. George Reid, as High Commissioner to the United Kingdom, would have been acutely aware of the growing number of casualties among the Australian forces on the peninsular. However I am certain that my grandfather would have been extremely proud of the positive symbolism of ANZAC mate-ship, galvanized under tragic circumstances, which has emerged as symbolic of our Australian way of life. I trust today all Australians will remember this and never seek to vilify their fellow-Australians, especially those who are Muslims or of 'Middle Eastern appearance.'
I find it ironic that Lord Fisher resigned over the Dardanelles campaign when it hugely benefited the British navy in the long run. Fisher had been involved earlier (as First Lord of the Admiralty) in arranging for the British fleet to change from coal to oil. Was one of Churchill's aims to reduce the Turkish army as much as possible on the peninsular (after the failure of the Allied navies made the capture of Constantinople appear impossible), so that at least a British victory in the Middle East would be made easier, giving access to oil, which was certainly known to be potentially available in large quantities across the region? This victory also prevented the Germans from having access to this oil.
After the 1918 Allied victory in World War 1, most Arabs to this day believe they were betrayed by the Treaty of Versailles, after which the French and British divided up their lands in order to control the area. Many Arabs fought alongside the British and French against the Turks, on the understanding that they would gain freedom from Ottoman oppression, but they found they were not free. As T.E. Lawrence said to Churchill's private secretary in 1921, 'All question of pledges and promises ... are set aside.' The Kurds, who at first fought the Turks and then the British, to try to achieve independence, were gassed into submission by the British. Geoffrey Simons notes in ‘IRAQ - From Sumer to Sadddam' that Churchill stated at the time, 'I do not understand the squeamishness about the use of gas. I am strongly in favor of using poison against uncivilized tribes.' Also Colonel Boussett, a medical officer with the Royal Artillery, noted in his diary, 'The burning of Arab villages makes a wonderful sight at night.' Wing-Commander Gale (30 Squadron, RAF, Iraq) during an interview (Channel 4, London,1992) titled 'Secret History', spoke of 'the gutter rats who are Arabs and they are gutter rats.' Air Marshall Sir Arthur Harris — Head of Bombing Command stated, 'The Arab and Kurd now know what real bombing means in casualties and damage ... Within forty-five minutes a full sized village can be practically wiped out ... Iraq and Kurdistan are also useful laboratories for new weapons; devices specially developed by the Air Ministry for use against tribal villages.' A Kurdish Iraq-Australian friend of mine drew my attention to this book. Simons also writes that soon, 'Many discoveries of oil in the region ensured that the area would long be the focus of imperial ambitions. The oil bounty that could rightly have liberated the Arabs was destined to lead to their subjugation and humiliation.'
The area now known as Iraq (for example), was formerly three Ottoman provinces — Basra, Baghdad and Mosul, and was made into one country by a line being drawn by the British on a map of the area. This not only meant that oil would be available but also the British would secure another way to the East (as well as via the Suez Canal) to maintain their already hugely lucrative trade in India and the far East. By 1904 India had become the largest consumer of British goods. Only a limited amount of Iraq’s oil revenue was given to Iraq by the controlling powers for the benefit of the Iraqi people until the latter part of the 20thcentury. Do the insurgents in Iraq believe that there will be further exploitation of Iraq's oil because the Americans may not permit Iraqis to run their own oil industry? Simons notes, 'The oil rich nations of the Middle East have not yet escaped from the predatory designs of the powerful Western nations in an energy-hungry world.' He also points out that 'what had originally been the Ottoman province of Syria was divided up into four separate political entities — Palestine, Lebanon, Trans-Jordan and a much reduced Syria, for the advantage of Britain and France. I believe Major Arthur Charles Olden, Commander, Australian 10th Light Horse Regiment, accepted a surrender of the Turks in Damascus from Emir Said. I understand that many of the Arab notables were already in charge of much of the city but the Australians were made hugely welcome by the continuous shooting into the air. It was Australian, Lt. General H.E. Chauvel, who eventually brought to a stop the ferment of looting and lawlessness by an impressive parade of his battle-stained mounted troops along the streets of the city. In 1915 the Australian government was promised by the British that it would be involved ‘most fully’ in discussions of any future peace treaty. But when the time came to discuss the points contained in the Treaty of Versailles, the Australians were not even informed, so that pledge was broken. However the Australian Prime Minister W.M. Hughes made his irritation very clear and finally there was Australian representation. Several of my forebears and my friends' forebears served in Light Horse regiments in the Middle East during World War 1. These soldiers believed they were fighting to help liberate the Arabs so what actually transpired deeply concerned and puzzled them.
While visiting many countries in the Middle East to speak at universities about Australian literature during the last twenty-five years, I have observed that Western occupation of lands in the area continues to deeply concern most people including Muslims, Christians and secular Arabs world-wide. A number of people in the places I have visited have always spoken very frankly to me because I believe they consider me to be a poet (not an official), and a seeker after truth.
However, I consider it is important to stress, that many of my Iraqi-Australian friends have long realized that there would be a high price to pay in blood for the liberation of their country, but they believe that freedom and democracy are certainly what they hope for and they make it clear that they will be grateful to the West if this is finally achieved. Other Iraqi-Australians disagree and express their concern about the war in Iraq and the reasons behind this concern. They are showing deep interest in, and in some cases agreement with, Scott Ritter’s latest book, ‘Iraq Confidential, the Untold Story of the Intelligence Conspiracy to Undermine the U.N. and Overthrow Saddam Hussein’ (I.B.Taurus, London 2005). Ritter is a former U.S. Marine Intelligence Officer and former U.S. Chief Weapons Inspector who participated in 52 missions in Iraq after the first Gulf War. Ritter is straight-talking and, as he reveals in this explosive book, he believes Washington was only interested in inspections as a tool for its own agenda. He raises serious questions, making it clear that members of his team of inspectors were determined to find out the truth about Iraq's WMD and that in his view the CIA was equally determined to stop them. He argues that the truth, as we now know, is that Iraq actually had no WMD. But he believes this information would have derailed America's drive for regime change. ‘Iraq Confidential’ conveys the disillusionment of a man who is regarded as many as a true patriot but who came to realize that his own government sought to undermine effective arms control in the Middle East. Ritter reveals in this book what he sees as a world of deceit and betrayal, in which nothing is as it seems. Characters from Mossad, M16 and the CIA emerge in this powerful narrative, which also contains revelations that will have an enduring impact on the ongoing debates about Iraq.
There certainly remain reservations about certain aspects of the hoped for fair and free democracy in Iraq. Ghaith Abdul Ahad, an Iraqi writer, expresses his concerns in his article, 'Fiddling while Baghdad Burns' (The Guardian Weekly 8.9.05) stating, 'the constitution may get through the required process of votes and referendums but Iraqis will not have the democratic constitution they hoped for after years of tyranny and oppression.' He blames this on the fact that there is an attempt to impose deadlines on Iraqis 'merely to suit what is convenient for the Bush administration. Six months delay? No that would be bad for America's image. It is not possible for the most important questions facing Iraq's future to be solved with a few days.'
Could Tom Switzer’s skeptical article, 'Mugged by Reality Again' (Quadrant, June 2005), provoke annoyance in certain circles? He argues that, 'There is a very real possibility that the more democratic the Middle East becomes the more Islamic, authoritarian and anti-American it will be.' Earlier in his article he writes, 'In 2003, President George W. Bush said, "For too long many people in the region have been victims, they deserve to be active citizens." But what if active citizens in Palestine elect a Hamas leader? What if active citizens in Saudi Arabia prefer an Islamic zealot like Osama Bin Laden to a moderate reformer like Crown Prince Abdullah? What if active citizens in Egypt, Syria, and Lebanon bring into power jihadists and terrorist groups like The Muslim Brotherhood or Herzbollah? And what if the dominant Shi'ite political figure in the new Iraq government, Prime Minister, Ibrahim al Jaafari, seeks guidance from Iran's Mullahs?' Some Iraqi-Australians are confident that the Prime Minister is certainly very well able to make his own judgments and will have no need to ‘seek guidance’. I find it extremely moving that when the tragic stampede among a large Shi'ite procession near the Khadimiya Mosque was claiming so many lives in Baghdad recently, Othman al-Ubeydi, a nineteen year old Sunni student, rescued a number of people who had fallen into the Tigris River, and then, exhausted by his efforts, was drowned himself. Ibrahim al Jaafari paid tribute to this young man, saying, 'by his unselfish actions this man showed that we are all brothers.' In the view of many Iraqis, the heroic Othman al-Ubaydi has become a martyr to national unity.
I would like to make another historical point about the background to the question of a homeland for the Jews in Palestine. George Reid, received a hand-written letter from Lord Balfour in 1917 while in the UK stating ‘the British government is considering with favor the idea of a homeland for Jews in Palestine providing the rights of the Palestinians are never, ever infringed.' The last words are under-lined three times in ink. Having served two terms as High Commissioner to the UK, George Reid was voted into the House of Commons as the Member for St Georges Hanover Square. He was invited by the British Parliament to visit America to give talks and endeavor to persuade the Americans to enter the war an to help the Allies defeat the Germans. My father was aware that his father was informed to emphasize in the USA that the British parliament would keep their pledge about a homeland for the Jews in Palestine.
Geoffrey, my husband, was a Professor in the Department of History at the Australian National University and an expert on counter-insurgency and counter-terrorism. I sensed there could be trouble when I first visited the Middle East with my husband in the 1970s. For example, Palestinians (Christian and Muslim) would say emphatically ‘our rights are continually infringed.’ There is on-going intense anger about this issue.
The celebrated Palestinian poet Mahmoud Darwish makes this clear in his poem ‘Defiance’,
… ‘I shall proclaim in my detention cell,
in the stable,
manacled,
in the violence of chains,
that a million birds,
on the branches of my heart,
are singing fighting songs’ …
I was in Lebanon (alone) a few days after the 1982 Sabra - Shatila Palestinian refugee camp massacres. I have never seen such despair as was etched on the faces of those who survived, many of whom I visited in hospital. Gabr Elgafi, Chairman of the Supreme Islamic Council of Australia, makes it clear that ‘the West supplies Israel with the most sophisticated weapons. The Arabs are sold inferior weapons - so if there is a conflict they can never win yet they continue to buy.’
His Excellency, Ali Kazak, Head of the Palestinian Delegation to Australia, argues in his article 'Israel's Threat to Achieving Real Peace' (The Age, Melbourne 5.9.05}: 'While the world keeps talking about the new opportunity presented by the Gaza evacuation, Israel is unilaterally imposing its own agenda. As Israel was completing its evacuation of 8000 settlers from the Gaza Strip, and parts of the Northern West Bank, it embarked on plans to make room for 25,000 more settlers in Maale Adumim, a settlement East of Jerusalem. If enacted, this plan will mean an end to the Two State Solution.' Ali Kazak states at the close of his article: 'the Palestinian leadership is committed to returning immediately to the road map for peace which includes a freeze on all settlement construction.' Many Palestinians are pleased that it is now easier to travel from Gaza to Egypt without restrictions being placed on them by the Israeli authorities especially as this enables them to have access to specialist medical treatment.
It is also important to remember that the United States in order to fight the influence of the former USSR, was seen by many to have supported regimes co-operative with the West, in the Middle East, over the second half of the last century, and, thus, indirectly, possibly paved the way for some religious movements to become more dominating. Gabr Elgafi states that when the Muslim Party won the election in Algeria, ‘the West conspired to remove this party, with a pro—Western dictatorship taking control supported by the army. Thus thousands of people lost their lives and the suffering of the people still goes on.’
While a guest at the universities in Egypt I was informed by many that the USA, France and Britain did not support liberation movements, particularly in Egypt under Gamal Abed Nasser. Gabr Elgafi insists that ‘the West installed their preferred regimes, many of which continue to suppress opposition. In Nasser's time the USA supported and financed the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt when it suited them. The West could not accept that Egypt would be non-aligned and independent from the Western and Eastern policy.’
The various actions and reactions which occurred during this period resulted in frustrating Nasser and thus he was pushed to the Soviet camp which was happy to use him as ammunition against Western propaganda.
Two incidents were of paramount importance and had wider implications on the international political scene.
- The refusal of the West to supply Egypt with sophisticated weapons so as to modernize the Egyptian forces. This explains why Nasser turned to the Eastern block, lead by the Soviet Union, to fulfill his dream of a modern army.
- The withdrawal by the West of the promised financial and technical aid required to build the Aswan Dam, a project which became a national symbol of identity with the then support of the Soviet Union.
Hence the resentment towards the West has increased, with what appears to many to be Western disregard for the aspirations of the people of the whole area and the occupation of their lands. Many feel that the USA has colonized them all over again. Some Arabs are concerned about a possible Lebanonisation (by the West) of Iraq, which could then possibly demonstrate similar ethnic or sectarian tensions. Have these frustrations and anger with the West created a worldwide alliance? Have what are perceived (rightly or wrongly) to be the decadent horrors of Abu Ghraib (seen by many to be a potent symbol of Western decadence), plus the possible injustice meted out to some of those detained at Guantanamo Bay, exacerbated this anger? ‘Two hundred prisoners have recently been on hunger strike for alleged maltreatment and desecration of the Koran by U.S. security guards.' (The Guardian Weekly, 16.9.05). In October this year Islamic Clerics expressed outrage at television footage purportedly showing United States soldiers burning the bodies of two dead Taliban fighters to taunt other militants. It has even been suggested that these Taliban soldiers were burnt facing Mecca which would exacerbate fury among Muslims. Cremation is not permitted under Islam.
Has, what appears to many to be the case, the apparent interference in the curriculum in Muslim teaching institutions, also increased the anger? I agree with the political theorist, Chandran Kukathus who argues in his book, 'The Liberal Archipelago: A Theory of Diversity and Freedom', 'a society is free to the extent that it is prepared to tolerate in its midst associations which differ or dissent from its standards or practices.' Is our fair and free society now being put to the test here in Australia and also in other 'free' nations?
Now that the preliminary Australian counter-terrorism laws have been agreed to by the Prime Minister, John Howard and the State Premiers, it is still difficult to judge to what degree they may undermine our civil liberties. Many creative writers, journalists, artists, cartoonists and satirists are deeply concerned about this issue.
Several Australian media leaders met in late November this year to discuss their deep concern that these laws could possibly stifle public debate.
Some respected Australian lawyers and retired Supreme Court judges are doubtful about the appropriateness of the proposed laws. As Carlyle A. Thayer, Professor of Politics and Director of the UNSW Defense Studies Forum at University College, Defense Force Academy, in Canberra, points out (Canberra Times 14.9.05), 'Judicial checks are imperative to stop terror laws being misused.' He adds, 'All the Prime Minister's proposals must carefully balance the liberty of the individual with the need to protect the community. This can only be done by ensuring there are appropriate independent judicial checks on the misuse of power and the right of aggrieved citizens to seek redress and compensation when these checks fail.'
At the Muslim Anti-Terrorism Summit held in Sydney (11.9.05) which included Muslim leaders, other Muslims and non-Muslims, everybody expressed their commitment to the shared vales of Australia and terrorism was condemned.
During my many visits with my husband to world trouble-spots, and later during my visits alone to a number of countries during the last twenty-five years, yes, I have often observed signs of growing concern and, as some people described it, disappointment with the West and a concern that (in their view) the West often appears to display self-serving double standards. This was also apparent when talking with some academics and others in India, Pakistan, Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, Cambodia, Thailand, Myanmar, Taiwan and several African countries. Western countries are still seen by many to have sought to divide and rule and then exploit their (former) colonies. To this day many see some Westerners as often behaving in a self-important, 'superior', over-bearing and supercilious manner. However in many of these countries, including Iraq, and other Arab countries, as well as former colonies, most people are grateful to the West for a number of things including improved educational institutions, medical standards, and also the introduction of public services and judicial systems. My father's friend, Sir Robert Drew, (an Australian) was head of the British Army Medical Services when he was seconded by the Foreign Office to set up the modern school of surgery in Iraq. When I first visited Iraq in the early 1980s to attend Al Mirbed poetry festival, he gave me letters of introduction to some of his former students who were then among Iraq's leading doctors. They were full of praise for the considerable help received for medical instruction and facilities. Sir Robert was full of praise for his many Iraqi friends and colleagues. He and Lady Drew always told me of how much they enjoyed their Iraqi friends and how wonderfully generous, wise and creative they found them to be.
However, the sanctions imposed on Iraq after the First Gulf War have had tragic consequences for so many and has therefore certainly increased anger. It has been reported that by 1993 more than 300.000 people had died because of the sanctions and resulting lack of food and medicine, with 4000 children under five dying each month. Many believe that the sanctions were not against Saddam Hussein but against the Iraqi People. Gabr Elgafi stresses that ‘the people have suffered terrible losses through bombing over the ten years before the current invasion even occurred. This suffering has amounted to immense human tragedy.’
Professor Clive Williams, an expert on Counter-Terrorism at the Australian National University, wisely states in his review of (University of Chicago) Associate Professor Robert’s Pape’s book ‘Dying to Win — The Strategic Logic of Suicide Terrorism’: ‘Many of the those involved in terrorist cells do not necessarily hate Western values or Western society but are angered by Western strategic policies.’ Williams stresses that Pape’s thesis is that Bush’s America has misread the primary motivation of suicide bombers. The faulty premise being that suicide terrorism, and Al Qaeda terrorism in particular, is mainly driven by an evil ideology based in Islamic fundamentalism. Williams points out that Pape makes it clear that since 1980 more than half the suicide attacks have been secular and that nearly all have not been about religion but about a specific strategic purpose, namely to compel modern democracies (including Israel) to withdraw their military forces from territory and territories the terrorists consider to be their homeland or lands they prize greatly. Since such groups are much weaker than those occupying their lands, do they believe that acts of terror might punish the stronger party and influence its policy? Herzbollah certainly achieved success in ousting occupying forces in Lebanon. Many ask the question today, ‘Why are we accused of terrorism when the finger is rarely pointed at what we perceive to be state-sponsored terrorism?’
Professor Williams points out that Pape stresses that we need to find a long-term solution that does not involve military occupation and will not compromise our core strategic interest in Middle East oil. Pape sees the best US solution as one of returning to a policy of ‘offshore balancing’ while the US works towards energy independence. He argues that a return to that policy would secure US interests without spawning a new generation of suicide terrorists.
Martin Bryant (The Guardian Weekly 8.9.05) writes that Tony Blair has constantly said that the London bombers were motivated not by a sense of injustice but by 'a perverted and poisonous representation of Islam'. Although Iraq was clearly used as a pretext by extremists, Blair said that he believed it was ideology that drove them to kill. Downing Street issued a list of atrocities in Afghanistan and Iraq to reinforce his point. This claim was later dismissed by MI5 which stated that ‘Iraq was the dominant issue for extremists.’
Is it not possible that Islamic jihadists who seek to recruit young people to become suicide bombers may not only speak of the glories that they will enjoy in heaven if they are martyrs for the Islamic cause, but also use the potent and extremely persuasive argument (in their view) that Muslims (and others) have been grossly humiliated over the years, by their countries being unjustly controlled and exploited by Western powers? Many would-be terrorists possibly volunteer to die for what they believe in because they are deeply concerned about what they perceive to be a loss of dignity in an unjust world and thus try to right the wrongs? Or do they just feel a sense of hopelessness and despair?
It has been suggested that the targets hit by terrorists are often seen as symbols. Thus the Twin Towers may be regarded (in their view) as symbols of power and greed; London as a symbol of the former exploitative British Empire and today as a symbol of a Western power which supports the invasion of Iraq; Madrid as a symbol of the former Spanish Empire (another Western power) which was a supporter of the invasion of Iraq. Bali is possibly seen (in their view) as a symbol of decadence.
I am a descendant of Scottish Highlanders so I am aware of the tragic situation the Highlanders faced during the Highland Clearances in the 18th century. They endured slaughter and dispossession of their lands by the English so the Highlands could be used by the English to extend their flocks of sheep. Many of those Scots who survived and came to Australia as early settlers, toiled under extremely challenging conditions in the outback. Their dedicated work contributed immensely to our now prosperous Australia. The present generation still sometimes feels anger about what happened but continues to contribute positively.
However as an admirer of Mahatma Gandhi and a believer in non-violence, I am totally against terrorism. I decided more than twenty-five years ago, after becoming aware of growing anger in the places I have visited, to endeavor to build bridges of understanding, particularly with the Arab world (and also in other areas) through poetry, which, I believe transcends racial, religious and political differences and brings people closer together in harmony and understanding.
I was inspired by Dr Salma al Khadra al Jayyusi — Palestinian poet and academic - who I met in Syria in the 1980s, when she affirmed something in which I firmly believe, that the misunderstanding of Arabs by the West would be remedied by scholarly translations of Arabic literature. This is one reason I worked so hard to produce 'Feathers and the Horizon', an anthology of Arabic poetry (Leros Press, Canberra 1987 — and launched at the National Library), I came to understand, during my many visits to the Middle East to speak at universities about Australian literature, that Arabic poetry, stretching back to pre-Islamic times, is immensely rich but is not readily available in the West. I agree with Salma that poetry humanizes the 'other' and thus brings people closer together in understanding. I believe it is immensely important for the West to learn more about the creative spirit, the generosity of spirit, and the warmth and humor of the Arabs, through their poetry.
When the late Professor Jabra Ibrahim Jabra, a Palestinian academic in Baghdad, helped me with the final translation of Arabic poetry for ‘Feathers and the Horizon,’ some years ago, I asked him (because he was so gentle, thoughtful and wise), ‘What is your definition of a truly civilized person?’ He answered without hesitation, ‘The one who makes the leap to the other mind … the one who is aware of the other.’ Then he added, ‘this includes making the leap to the minds of those who one may consider are angry and could therefore pose a serious threat.’
Extra Note:
I consider it would be an excellent idea for those who are angry or representatives of those who are angry, plus those who understand the reasons for the anger and those who are endeavoring to understand the reasons for the anger and also the leaders of countries now feeling threatened by this anger, to discuss these problems at an International Forum. Perhaps this could be arranged through a TV link-up of taped interviews.